Toomey Highlights Reckless Housing Provisions in Democrats’ $3.5 T Spending Spree
Criticizes $40 B “Schumark” for New York City’s Scandal-Plagued Public Housing
Washington, D.C. – In his opening statement at today’s U.S. Senate Banking Committee hearing, Ranking Member Pat Toomey (R-Pa.) highlighted many of the flawed housing provisions in the Democrats’ $3.5 trillion spending bill, including: race-based down payment assistance, repeal of the bipartisan Faircloth amendment limiting public housing expansion, and a $40 billion earmark for Leader Schumer—a “Schumark”—for the scandal-plagued New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA).
Senator
Toomey also highlighted legislation he will be introducing later today to stop
taxpayers from subsidizing loans to investors by winding down Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac’s acquisitions of single-family investor-property mortgages. Bill
text can be found here.
Ranking
Member Toomey’s remarks, as prepared for delivery:
Thank
you, Mr. Chairman. And welcome to our witnesses.
I’m
a bit puzzled by today’s hearing topic. It seems intended to demonize people
who use their own money to buy—and even build—as little as one percent of homes
in the single family housing market.
At
least one of today’s witnesses represents a group that rejects the concept of
private property altogether, stating on their website that “we envision a U.S.
where land and housing are publicly owned.” Let me just say for the record,
private ownership is vastly preferable to the state. That’s the American dream
after all.
There’s
nothing wrong with people renting homes instead of, or before, becoming
homeowners. And there’s nothing wrong with investors putting their own money to
work to meet the needs of renters.
Now
if Democrats are concerned about investors crowding out homebuyers, I hope they
would agree that taxpayers shouldn’t subsidize loans to investors.
Unfortunately, the Biden administration has a different view. It lifted
existing restrictions on the ability of Fannie and Freddie to buy loans from
single-family investors.
That’s
a taxpayer giveaway. And it’s why I’m introducing legislation
to prohibit the GSEs from acquiring investor property mortgages. I hope my colleagues
will cosponsor it.
Today,
what I think we need to focus on is the $3.5 trillion elephant-in-the-room: the
Democrats’ reckless tax-and-spend spree, which includes $300-plus billion for
housing.
Billions
of this aid is not targeted. Some of these programs have weak means testing and
loopholes. And forget work requirements—even for able-bodied childless adults.
They, and many people of above-average income, will do quite well under some of
these programs.
Let’s
consider a few of the bill’s misguided housing provisions.
Start
with the $9 billion in down payment assistance for “first time” and “first
generation” homebuyers. It’s rife with problems.
First,
you can qualify even if you or your parents previously owned a home. So much
for “first time” and “first generation.”
Second,
you don’t have be low income. A member of Congress could qualify for a
taxpayer-funded downpayment under this program.
Third,
it’s an invitation to mortgage fraud. A homebuyer only has to attest to being a
first generation homebuyer. No other diligence is required. In fact, lenders
are exempt from liability even if they knowingly accept a false attestation.
But
worst of all, this program is a thinly-disguised attempt to give assistance to
homebuyers based more on the color of their skin than their financial
need—something that’s very likely unconstitutional.
Democrat
Chairwoman Maxine Waters has said the objective of this program is to “help
address the racial wealth and homeownership gaps.” The director of the liberal
National Fair Housing Alliance has said, “you cannot address issues of racial
inequity if you do not address housing inequity—it is an impossibility. They’re
so inextricably linked.” Thus, the bill text directs the HUD Secretary to
allocate funds in part based on “racial disparities in homeownership rates.”
Increasing
wealth and homeownership rates amongst minorities is a fine goal. But designing
race-based policies and benefits is not.
The
Democrats reckless tax-and-spend bill also has $80 billion for renovating
public housing. But that’s odd. The Biden administration requested only $40
billion. So why does this bill have $80 billion?
It
just so happens that the NYC housing authority wanted $40 billion for itself.
But our Democrat colleagues knew they couldn’t pass a bill that sent 100
percent of the money to New York City. That would be a bit of a problem for the
48 Democratic senators who don’t represent New York.
So
instead, Majority Leader Schumer promised to “double down” on the
administration’s proposal and “use all of my power as majority leader ... to
secure a funding package that can restore and transform [the NYC Housing
Authority].”
And
lo and behold, we now have $80 billion not to be distributed using the existing
formula but rather by executive fiat. This certainly looks a lot like Senator
Schumer securing a $40 billion earmark, or “Schumark.” So it looks like half of
all the bill’s public housing dollars will go to a housing authority plagued by
scandals, bribery, and chronic mismanagement.
It’s
distressing to see Democrats pouring billions into outdated public housing
projects that concentrate poverty and crime and trap families in generational
cycles of dependency and despair. Twenty years ago, both parties recognized the
flaws in government-controlled housing. That’s why Congress capped the number
of public housing units with the Faircloth amendment.
Now,
Democrats’ reconciliation bill would waive this sensible law so new public
housing units can go up. This is a remarkable return to government-owned
housing, and one that we will again regret.
We
need to try something different than Big Government socialism to help make
housing affordable. We need to leverage the power of free enterprise—including
private equity—to promote housing for all Americans.
To
that end, in March I proposed principles to guide housing finance reform
discussions. Since then, the administration has shown no interest in reform,
and even missed a September 30th deadline to report on its reform
plan.
In
light of the issues I’ve raised today, I hope this committee will hold hearings
soon on long overdue topics like housing finance reform, and markup any
reconciliation legislation so we have an opportunity to debate and offer
amendments.
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